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Germany 

and the 

United States 





Germany 

and the 

United States 

By 
RICHARD G. WATSON 



33 



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Copright by Author 
1915 



Press ot 
M. B. TOURNOUX CO. 

LOS ANGELES, CALIFORNIA 

©CI,A416073 

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INTRODUCTORY NOTE. 

In publishing this booklet the author — a plain, com- 
mon, every-day American — desires to add his mite of 
praise and approval of President Wilson's attitude in the 
controversy with Germany over the latter's illegal sub- 
marine warfare. The President has been patient, mod- 
erate and firm ; and it seems at this time that success has 
crowned his efforts — that Germany will yield to the de- 
mands of the United States government and there will be 
no break in diplomatic relations, nor a state of war be- 
tween the two countries. Whether the latter does or does 
not occur, all real Americans are solidly behind the Presi- 
dent. If the question at issue concerned only commercial 
or trade rights — even though there had been destruction 
of merchant ships and cargoes — the trouble would prob- 
ably have been easy to settle, and there would have been 
no talk of war. It is the higher and more vital question of 
human life, that is involved in the controversy. It is a 
question that is not arbitrable. American citizens have 
certain and definite rights that Germany has refused to 
respect. One privilege or right is to sail the seas in un- 
armed merchant or passenger ships without danger of be- 
ing assassinated or threatened with assassination. Ger- 
man submarines have laid in wait and deliberately tor- 
pedoed unarmed vessels and caused the death of a great 
many American men, women and children. The United 
States has an abundance of casus belli against Germany, 
but our President does not want war nor do the people 
want it. There is a limit to their patience, however, and 
it seems the limit has been reached. 

It is now up to Germany to prevent or provoke a war 
between the two countries. R. G. W. 



GERMANY AND THE UNITED STATES. 

To be a patriotic American citizen is to be also a friend 
to democracy and humanity, as well as a strong peace 
advocate. All such citizens are standing firmly with Pres- 
ident Wilson in the controversy with Germany and thor- 
oughly approve of his demand that she show some respect 
for international law, cease her attacks on peaceful mer- 
chant vessels and quit assassinating American citizens. 

It is thought that the crisis that arose over the de- 
struction of the Arabic has passed and there will be a 
satisfactory settlement of it. The German embassador at 
Washington has assured the United States government 
that no more such outrages will occur. 

If Germany really means to comply with President 
Wilson's demand, it marks a radical change in the meth- 
ods and conduct of her submarine warfare against Eng- 
land, neutral commerce and against humanity. Her war 
on the sea, however, differs not at all from her war 
on land and in the air. 

When the submarine warfare was inaugurated against 
England, Germany served notice on the world that she 
intended to destroy England's commerce. That the waters 
around the British isles were a war zone, and that if 
any neutral vessels ventured into that zone they were 
liable to be torpedoed. She left no doubt as to her 
intention to violate any and all laws governing warfare 
on the sea, as well as the higher laws having to do with 
human rights and human life. Her submarine warfare 
has no doubt been the subject of much thought and 
study on the part of her warrior statesmen. The plan 
to cripple and destroy England's trade had been well 
considered and carefully worked out along with other 
problems of the war, such as the invasion of France 
through Belgium, the embroilment of Turkey and her 



attack on the Suez canal and Egypt, the attempt to incite 
an uprising in India and bring on a religious war be- 
tween Moslems and Christians. In considering the latter 
(holy war) the imperial government no doubt indulged 
the hope that when the Moslems commenced to massacre 
Christians they would confine themselves to the English. 
If, however, a few neutrals — American, Scandinavian or 
Dutch Christians — were murdered, the imperial govern- 
ment would not be responsible; it could not be helped. 
Germany justifies her violation of law on the score of 
necessity. ''Germany is fighting for her life." She thinks 
is a sufficient answer to all protests, and charges of bad 
faith, violation of treaties, to every kind of treachery 
and dishonor. She thinks her own life is of more im- 
portance than the rights and lives of all the other nations 
combined. 

All Germans and pro-Germans, as well as their news- 
papers in the United States, heartily approve of Ger- 
many's illegal submarine warfare. Though they had been 
expressing nothing but contempt for the President's Mexi- 
can policy, they all now joined in this cry: ''Let Presi- 
dent Wilson warn Americans to keep out of English 
waters just as he has warned them to keep out of Mexico." 

This appeared to the German mind a regular clincher. 
The fact that conditions in the English waters were dif- 
ferent from those in the republic of Mexico cut no figure 
whatsoever with the loyal German. 

President Wilson gave no such warning, but he did 
warn Germany that the United States would not stand 
for her illegal and inhuman methods of warfare on the 
sea. The imperial government disregarded the warning, 
went ahead and destroyed much neutral shipping and 
slaughtered, without warning or an opportunity to save 
themselves, hundreds of noncombatants, many of whom 
were Americans. The destruction of the Arabic brought 
with it a crisis in Germany's submarine warfare. She 
was confronted with a break in diplomatic relations, and 
very likely a state of war with the United States. It 
seems that the military party at Berlin does not want 
that, if it can possibly be avoided, but she submits with 
a very bad grace. Her carefully worked out plans of sub- 
m_arine warfare against England, perhaps never contem- 
plated an observance of any laws governing warfare on 
the sea. 

The one stock argument, and the strongest one, urged 
by Germans in justification of the illegal warfare, is that 
England had declared wheat contraband, and was trying 



to starve the German nation into submission. On that 
question here are the words of the imperial foreign secre- 
tary, Von Jagow : 

"The question of foodstufifs and raw material is not 
one of necessity with Germany, but one of principle. 
Germany has shown, I think, that it can not be starved 
out by Great Britain's embargo on foodstuffs." 

The German government does not often use the word 
"principle." Necessity is the term they make liberal 
use of; they like it because it "knows no law." Military 
Germany is a law unto itself. 

Their first step in the present war was to violate a 
sacred treaty obligation. Before they did this they at- 
tempted something that in any court of justice on earth is 
branded as a most serious crime and is punished as such. 
They offered Belgium a large sum to betray France into 
their hands. If Belgium had accepted the bribe the Ger- 
man army would perhaps be in Paris today. 

Little Belgium refused to become a traitor and debase 
herself to Germany's corrupt level. She chose instead to 
defend her country and her people against the terrible 
attacks of the war-mad hordes. Because she would not 
dishonor herself, but stood by her treaty and her guns, 
the Kaiser and his fellow-militarists became greatly en- 
raged, and orders went out for her destruction. The 
world knows quite well now how great that destruction 
was. Villages and cities were wantonly destroyed by 
shells and fire. Thousands of the innocent and helpless 
were shot down in cold blood. Women were violated, 
children had their limbs hacked off by sabers, others were 
bayoneted. Hundreds were burned alive in their homes. 
Nor was this all. Belgium's factories, mines and all raw 
materials, grain and provisions were seized for the use of 
the German army, and an indemnity around one hundred 
million dollars was levied on the people. 

There would have been a great deal more suffering 
and thousands would have died from exposure and 
starvation if the United States had not sent millions of 
dollars' worth of flour, provisions and clothing to the 
stricken and needy. 

Is there any difference of opinion among real Ameri- 
cans as to the injustice done Belgium by Germany? 

If the case, Belgium vs. Germany, were tried in any 
court in our land from the Police court up to the Supreme 
court down, is there any doubt as to what the verdict 
would be? 



The German-Americans in convention assembled at 
San Francisco, not long ago, criticised President Wilson 
as being unduly harsh in his dealings with Germany. 
Nothing was said in the convention about the outrages 
and atrocities ordered by the German government and 
committed by German soldiers. It is to be presumed that 
the convention unanimously and heartily approved of 
them. If these hyphenated citizens can not approve of 
President Wilson's foreign policy, it would seem that they 
at least might grant him and our government the loyalty 
of their silence just at this time. 

The apologists and defenders of Germany's treachery 
and atrocious and inhuman acts often wind up their 
labored arguments with "War is war." Equally significant 
is ''peace is peace" • also, "honor and justice" is "honor and 
justice." The world will never know the blessings of 
peace until nations are just and honorable in their deal- 
ings with each other, and war with all of its hell and hor- 
ror will never cease until strong nations recognize that 
other nations, both great and small, have just as many 
rights as they have. Belgium has as much right to 
live and to a "place in the sun" as Germany ever had. 

It is amazing that human beings can be guilty of such 
savagery and cruelty as the German soldiers committed in 
Belgium. Belgium's only crime was to defend her coun- 
try, and she did that well ; she put up a good light, and if 
there had been any chivalry or honor in the German 
heart her citizens would have been respected and properly 
treated. 

Germany's worship of the fetich of militarism, it may 
be said, dates back to Otto von Bismarck. The Kaiser, in 
his oratorical outbursts, lays the blame, or rather gives 
the praise to his grandfather. But if there is any truth 
in history, it was the master mind of Bismarck that' con- 
solidated the smaller states into the German Empire, 
waged two successful wars — one with Austria in 1866, 
the other with France in 1870-71, and inspired the German 
people with exalted ideas of their greatness, their invinci- 
bility in war, and the wonderful destiny that awaited the 
fatherland. A study of Bismarck's character and political 
career shows that he was animated by one single idea, 
one ambition, viz: the aggrandizement of the German 
Empire. If he ever showed any humanity; if there was 
ever any evidence that he possessed a conscience ; if he 
was ever just or fair in his dealings with his neighbors, 
It was because such conduct was plainly in the interest of 
the fatherland. He was a statesman and a diplomat. His 

8 



duplicity — by courtesy called diplomacy — was of a very 
coarse kind ; it had nothing of the fine touch of Machiavel 
or Tallyrand. 

He remarked once that no diplomacy was worth any- 
thing unless it was backed up by "blood and iron," his 
own was backed up by the Prussian army — the same be- 
ing a synonym of "blood and iron." 

His followers and admirers called him the "Iron chan- 
cellor." One feautre of Bismarckian diplomacy was to 
enlist in the support of his policies all of the newspapers 
in his own and neighboring countries — that is, all that 
could be bribed or bullied. He evidently felt some pride 
in the success that attended his efforts and activities in 
that line, as in his memoirs he interestingly relates how it 
was done. 

Bismarck was a Prussian, and it was through the 
prowess and efficiency of the well-trained Prussian army 
that he accomplished what he did. It was the instrument 
that enabled him to make good his "diplomacy" and carry 
out his ambitious political ideas. 

In 1866 Austria was quickly overrun and conquered 
by Prussia ; it passed under the influence of Germany, and 
has been dominated by her ever since. The army of the 
dual empire — Austria-Hungary — is today merely an ad- 
junct of the German war machine. Napoleon III of 
France declared war on Prussia in July, 1870. Bismarck, 
the master spirit, was ready and waiting; his prepara- 
tion for it was complete in every detail. France was not 
prepared. Intriguing, lying and treachery marked all 
stages of Prussia's preparation for the struggle. Napoleon 
was induced or coerced into becoming the aggressor, 
while Prussia appeared in the role of defending herself 
against a wanton attack of her old-time enemy. France 
was overrun and subdued in about six months and forced 
to pay an indemnity that Bismarck thought would "bleed 
her pale." 

The war was such a brilliant success and was so very 
profitable for Germany that Bismarck never denied that 
he had used a great deal of "diplomacy" to force Napo- 
leon to begin it. In fact, the whole truth came out and it 
was told how Prussia had been for years preparing for the 
struggle, and how, when the war challenge came, Von 
Moltke, commander-in-chief of the Prussian army, imme- 
diately gave orders for its mobilization, and in a few 
hours the great military machine was moving on France. 
What a familiar sound the above has ! It is so much 
like what happened a little more than a year ago, with 



the difference, that ultimatums and war challenges were 
coming out of Berlin on their way to Germany's enemies. 
The Kaiser couldn't get anyone to declare Avar on him, so 
he had to take the initiative and with his ally, Austria- 
Hungary, throw dnwn the gauntlet to a very considerable 
portion of the civilized world. From a military and po- 
litical standpoint it seems there has been little or no 
essential change in Germany since Bismarck's time. The 
lines laid down by him whose policy was "blood and iron" 
have been in the main servilely followed. The present 
Emperor is a Prussian not only in blood, but in heart 
and soul, and his devotion to Prussian militarism is well 
known. Mixed with this devotion is a religious fanatic- 
ism. Whether he feels this or simply assumes it, the 
world is not informed ; anyway, it is a terribly dangerous 
mixture. He believes or affects to believe in the divine 
right of kings ; he thinks he is commissioned from on high 
to rule over Germany. He believes or pretends to believe 
in the religion of Christ, the meek and lowly, the gentle 
and kindly Nazarene, and yet from the councils of war in 
which he is the leading spirit, orders go out to German 
soldiers and sailors to commit crimes incredibly atrocious 
and inhuman. To credit him with sincerity in his relig- 
ious pretentions is to believe him insane. To a great 
many he appears simply as an unscrupulous pretender 
and tyrant who uses religion as a means of strengthen- 
ing his hold upon the people and the army. Attila called 
himself the ''Scourge of God," and those countries whose 
lands he devastated and whose cities he plundered and 
burned no doubt would have readily, even cheerfully, ad- 
mitted that he was some "scourge"; but they would have 
refused to believe that he had any authority from a mer- 
ciful God to bring such wreck and ruin upon the world. 

The Kaiser's pretentions of Divine approval and au- 
thority are not unlike those of Attila, and the destruction 
in those countries he is making war upon and has in- 
vaded is much greater, and when it comes to looting there 
is a thoroughness about the German methods that shows 
much genius and long study. In cold, cruel savagery, At- 
tila and his followers would not have compared at all 
with German soldiers. 

The Kaiser may have some virtues the world doesn't 
know anything about. If he has he is certainly an adept 
in keeping them concealed. 

His conduct of this war has shown him to be a heart- 
less, cruel monster. One can easily believe that the cries 
of the wounded, the tortured and the dying are music to 

10 



his ears. That such an incarnate fiend exists in this, the 
twentieth century, and is supported, even idolized, by a 
nation that claims to be enlightened and humane — the 
world can not understand. Human experience teaches us 
that if a man engage in a gambling venture and win a 
sum of money greater than any he ever possessed, or if 
by forging checks, robbing a bank, holding up a train 
or committing any sort of a crime he secures treasure far 
in excess of any he ever dreamed of calling his own — he 
is transformed, a very radical change takes place in him. 
If, in committing the crime that brought him so much 
wealth, he unfortunately had to murder one or more of 
his fellowmen, his undoing is complete, his doom is sealed, 
he does not and perhaps can not return again to honor- 
able and legitimate pursuits. 

Just how exact is the resemblance between an individ- 
ual — and an aggregation of the same — a nation, there may 
be a difference of opinion among psychologists or who- 
ever they are that could enlighten us upon the subject. 
That there is a striking resemblance all will admit. A na- 
tion is never quite so good as its best units, nor nearly so 
bad as its worst element. 

The Franco-Prussion war was nothing more than a 
conspiracy to rob France. The Prussian army was the 
band of brigands that did the job. The scheme originated 
in the evil brain of Bismarck. His experience with Aus- 
tria had taught him that war between a country that v/as 
not prepared and one like Prussia that had a perfectly 
equipped war machine was easy and very profiable for the 
latten 

The tribute exacted from France was five billion 
francs. Such a flood of glittering gold, along with the 
brilliant victory over one of the great powers of Europe, 
tremendously affected the German people. They were 
dazed and intoxicated by it. King William of Prussia 
and Bismarck became like gods and every Prussian sol- 
dier was a hero and an object of envy. 

The colossal crime of the robbery instead of being 
denounced by all those who believed in honor and jus- 
tice — and certainly there was some such in Germany — 
was sanctified and glorified by all the people. The coun- 
try was Prussianized and the army that had brought 
so much gold and glory to the fatherland was lauded and 
adored and militarism was exalted above civil authority. 
The indemnity was spent on the army — increasing the 
number of soldiers and equipment, preparing for the next 
war — the present war. 

11 



The burden of paying this heavy tribute fell on the 
laboring classes of France. Every shining franc repre- 
sented the toil and sweat of labor. No civilized nation 
except Germany in modern times has been guilty of levy- 
ing tribute on a neighboring nation. One can imagine a 
curse going with that gold. Grievous was the sin and 
shame of it; how grievous the punishment will be the 
future will tell. 

The present Emperor was a boy at that time. He was 
an erratic youth, vain, haughty, of an intense egotism, 
fond of show, especially military pomp and pageantry; 
how strong must have been war's apDcal to him? 

Reared in a time of war, its study became a passion 
with him. He has devoted his life to it. He has called 
to his counsels men who have written about it to glorify 
it. Von Bernhardi was one literary angel who perhaps 
more correctly expressed his master's sentiments than any 
other. "War is not a painful necessity, but a splendid 
duty," is a gem from that cherub's pen. Through him and 
others like him the Kaiser taught the German people that 
war was ennobling, that the race would lose its virility 
and become degenerate w^ithout its invigorating and up- 
lifting influence. 

Thus the war madness was instilled into the people. 
Two generations were inoculated with the poison. The 
Kaiser all the while was bending every efifort, using all 
the power at his command to build up, equip and perfect a 
Avar machine greater than any ever dreamed of by any 
ambitious war-crazy monarch of ancient or modern times. 
His royal nibs now in his peculiar eruptive style of ora- 
tory loudly protests that Germany did not want war, that 
other nations, consumed with jealousy over her great 
prosperity, conspired to destroy her. The monotonous 
regularity of these protests, their uniformity and the echo 
from every German paper, little and big, and every pro- 
German anywhere and everywhere, convince one that 
they were prepared and carefully rehearsed long before 
the war broke out and became a part of the machine's 
equipment. It has been truly said that war is the sum of 
all crimes, all villainies. War means destruction and 
death, its antithesis peace means life and progress. A 
war of aggression is nothing more than robbery and mur- 
der. The greater part of the German people, with the 
Kaiser as their leader, has for more than a quarter of 
a century been worshiping this horrible thing. Can there 
be any moral development or spiritual progress among 
a people who devote themselves idolatrously to this Belial 

12 



—this spirit of evil, of death and destruction? For years 
in Germany they have been toasting "Der tag," the day. 
It came in August, 1914. German diplomacy under the 
present ruler is coarser even than was Bismarck's, and it 
is no doubt true that the coarseness, the obviousness, and 
the brutality of it, has misled a great many people. 

There was once a man who committed a crime and 
confessed it; he was tried, anyway, and the jury promptly 
acquitted him, giving as a reason that on account of 
his reputation they could not accept his evidence as true. 
Germany's gigantic preparations for the present war have 
been going on under the eyes of the world for two dec- 
ades or more. Not in words but by her acts she has been 
saying to Europe that when she got good and ready she 
would take her great war machine and overrun all Euro- 
pean countries and reduce them to a state of vassalage. 
It was only those who knew the depth of the Emperor's 
insane ambition and the terrible war-madness that ob- 
sessed military Germany that were not shocked at the 
declaration of v/ar. Before the war broke out there was 
one way for Germany to deceive the entire world — by 
telling the truth. If military Germany, in plain and sim- 
ple language had told of the sordidness, the baseness, the 
meanness of the ambitions she had cherished for more 
than a quarter of a century, and the cruel, foul and savage 
means she intended to use to realize those ambitions, no 
one would have believed her. 

But mankind know the truth about her now. They 
have seen her openly, without excuse, without pity or 
remorse, ruthlessly slaughter thousands of defenseless, 
helpless human beings. They have seen her, too, take 
innocence by the throat, stab her to the heart and turn 
with leering face and lying lips and deny her guilt. 

Germany made the discovery some time ago that what 
she wanted and what the world needed and should stren- 
uously demand was "freedom of the seas." The discovery 
has been greatly magnified of late. All good Germans and 
their newspapers in Germany, in Europe and in Little 
Germany in the United States, have caught the cue and 
are piping in unison, ''Freedom of the seas." It really 
seems the very best cause for the war that has yet oc- 
curred to them. 

Before the European war broke out, the German gov- 
ernment had some very earnest "conversations" with Eng- 
land on the question of "Freedom of the seas." 

Her attitude at that time is of record and is known 
to the world. Her proposition was that the imperial gov- 

13 



ernment would concede England's supremacy on the seas 
and would agree not to contest the same if England would 
agree not to interfere if Germany became involved in a 
European war. The British government promptly re- 
jected the offer, perhaps there was never any thought 
of accepting it. With England standing aside Germany 
thought she could overrun all Europe with her mighty 
army. It was the "freedom of the land" that she had a 
burning desire for at that time. Because England re- 
fused her offer all Germany became much enraged at her. 
Her raid on Europe was checked, just as her raid on Paris 
was checked by Belgium, and the Kaiser would like to 
destroy the British isles just as he has destroyed Belgium. 
The Zeppelin, the Kaiser's pet weapon, used in his cam- 
paign of ''frightfulness," is reserved especially for raids 
on England. It seems the Zeppelin is designed to kill 
non-combatants — women and children. No one knows 
what is in the madman's head; but his idea seems to be 
that by murdering the families he will frighten the men 
into making peace. 

The Zeppelin steals out under cover of darkness or 
fog and drops bombs on villages and unprotected towns 
and cities. Imagine yourself and family sleeping in a vil- 
lage subject to attack : A bomb falls in the middle of the 
night, many houses are destroyed ; men, women and chil- 
dren are maimed and killed. Imagine, if you can, the 
terror inspired by a raid of that kind. It is scientific 
torture. From time immemorial all nations, even bar- 
barous ones, have spared non-combatants, have protected 
women and children. It has remained for ''kultured" 
Germany to wantonly murder without regard to age or 
sex those whom the fortunes of war place in her power. 
We are accustomed to think of our friends, the Mexicans, 
as being barbarous and cruel, but is there a responsible 
person who will stand up and charge that Gen. Pancho 
Villa or Col. Jesus Carranza ever attacked and murdered 
sleeping women and children. If there is one, let him 
speak out now. 

The Apache Indian of the Great American desert has 
long been a picturesque figure, his very name being a 
synonym of cruelty and torture, but he can now climb 
down from his high eminence. Compared with such hu- 
man fiends as the Kaiser and Von Tirpitz he becomes 
amiable, tame, and positively uninteresting. Chief Ge- 
rommo, set by the side of those two notables, takes on a 
halo of considerable brightness. 

And yet they are pious ; oh, so pious. Much given to 

14 



prayer, asking some sort of a god to approve of all of their 
atrocities and to smite and destroy all their enemies, espe- 
cially the English. 

Here is the case of a poor Belgian. He is the last of 
his family, the others have been killed by German 
soldiers. He is of a religious turn of mind, but can we im- 
agine him worshiping at the same altar — aspiring to reach 
the same heaven that the murderers of his family do? 
That would seem to be almost unthinkable. To be logical 
wouldn't his prayer run thus : 

"Oh, Lord, if these are a sample lot of your followers 
on earth the same later on to become angels in heaven, 
please give me Hell." 

It would seem that one effect of this war on the minds 
of a great many people would be to invest the Devil with 
a good deal more respectability and popularity than he 
has heretofore enjoyed. Not much has been said about 
him while the horrible butchery has been going on. The 
Kaiser and his worshippers evidently regard him as op- 
posed to them, and lined ud on the side of their enemies. 
If that is true how many millions of the human race begin 
to have a kindly feeling for his Satanic majesty? Is there 
a decent liberty loving American, one with any feelings 
of humanity in his heart, who wouldn't a thousand times 
rather meet and greet Satan and shake his tail, than to 
take the bloody hand of any one of that cruel, heartless, 
infamous bunch that brought this awful war upon the 
world ? 

German diplomacy always takes on fresh stupidity 
whenever it attempts to prove that any one of the Eu- 
ropean nations or all of them combined brought on the 
war. If the negotiations between the United States and 
Germany fail and our countr}^ is involved in the struggle, 
who is there that doubts that the American people will 
have to endure the odium, and bear up under as best they 
can the terrible charge that the German patriot will hurl 
at us, viz. : that we are jealous of her wonderful pros- 
perity and want to "crush her." 

Just at this time it does seem that nothing but Ger- 
many's observance of international law will prevent the 
United States from joining the ranks of the "crushers." 
Ever since the war broke out there has been going on in 
this country an active campaign in favor of the German 
cause. 

This propaganda started perhaps at Berlin, but it is 
financed by Germans and German-Americans in this 

15 



country. The efforts and activities of these propagan- 
dists is mostly pure treason against the United States. 
There is no room in America for Kaiserism or German 
militarism — the two mean exactly the same thing. 

This war-mad monarch's attitude towards democracy 
is well known. He has no earthly use for it. He has 
frothed, and fulminated against it, and fought it for 
twenty-seven years. He does not pretend that this war 
is waged in the cause of liberty or for the good of the 
common people ; it is for the glory and grandeur of the 
German Empire. 

Here is an excerpt from some of his recent oratory : 
"When my august grandfather founded the German Em- 
pire on its present basis he did not pretend to give it its 
final form. The Empire is always susceptible of aggran- 
disement." There is no Americanism, no sympathy with 
our democratic form of government in the heart of one 
who is devoted to the militarism that rules Germany. 
Democracy and that sort of a thing are directly opposed 
to each other. The real American patriot appreciates the 
liberty guaranteed him by his government. He likes to 
think of his country as being a haven of refuge for the 
oppressed of all the earth, and he has a proud faith that 
democracy will here attain to its highest ideals. 

If there is anything that Americans loath, detest and 
abominate with all their hearts it is the militarism that 
brought on this war, and is now devasting Europe and 
destroying not the rulers, but the common people, who 
with their decendants for centuries to come will be op- 
pressed with a heavy burden of taxes. What a price to 
pay to gratify the selfish ambition of a few crazy militar- 
ists. If there are any in the United States who believe 
in it let them and their families make a pilgrimage to the 
old world and pour out their lives in devotion to it. 
There is no shrine in America for such worship. 

Real Americans have just as much respect for the 
Sultan of Turkey as they have for the Kaiser of Germany. 
They feel the same sort of reverence for the Sultan and 
his god that they feel for the Kaiser and his god. A pro- 
paganda carried on in the United States for the spread of 
Mohammedamism and an increase in the prestige and 
power of the Sultan of Turkey would be just as popular 
as one carried on in behalf of the Kaiser and German 
mihtarism. In fact, there doesn't seem to be very much 
difference between these two high potentates — they are 
in close alliance, as the following will show. This letter 

16 



was written by the Kaiser to a chief of the warlike 
Senoussi tribe : 

"Praises to the most high God, Emperor William, son 
of Charlemagne, Allah's and Isham's protector; to the 
illustrious chief of Senoussi. 

"We pray God to lead our armies to victory. Our 
will is that the valorous warriors shall expel the infidels 
from the territory belonging to the true believers and 
their commanders, to this end we send thee arms and 
money and the tried chiefs of our common enmies, whom 
Allah annihilate to the last man shall fly before thee. So 
be it." WILLIAM. 

(As they say in the classics) : "Can you beat it?" 

An item of news from the battle front in Poland cor- 
rects some reports that have been published concerning 
the Kaiser's appearance and physical condition. Accord- 
ing to some previous accounts his majesty had appeared 
toilworn and weary, and his expression was very serious, 
even sad. The latest advices from the front is that he is 
in good health, good form and good spirits. He made his 
usual little speech, delivered many iron crosses, smoked 
scented Turkish cigarettes and altogether seemed to be 
enjoying the situation. 

The Russians were retreating with his invincible 
army in pursuit, the big guns were booming, they were 
being well served by his royal engineers ; his royal shells 
were dropping in the ranks of the fleeing enemy, wound- 
ing and killing many hundreds. Nothing but good re- 
ports were coming from the firing line, and his Royal 
Nibs was in high good humor, cracked his royal jokes 
w^th his officers and handed out more royal iron crosses. 

There was published in one of the daily papers not 
long ago an account of a tragedy. The headlines run : 
"A Horrible Tragedy. 
A Man Goes Insane, 
Kills Whole Family." 

A man, a husband and father had killed his wife and 
four children. He had slain them with an ax. When an 
officer came and some of the neighbors went with him 
into the humble home — the scene of the crime — it was a 
gruesome and awful sight they looked upon. The man 
sat there with something like a smile on his face, while 
in his eyes was the fierce light of insanity. He was look- 
ing at the five dead bodies lying at his feet on the floor. 
He had laid them out. He had closed their eyes, wiped the 
blood from their faces, folded their hands upon their 

17 



breasts, smoothed their hair and clothing, and in his sim- 
ple way prepared them for burial. He had placed some 
flowers on the body of his oldest child, a girl of eight 
years. The neighbors told how he seemed to love this 
child so much, and of her great afifection for him. They 
told, too, that the flowers he had placed upon her innocent 
white breast had grown upon a stem that her childish 
hands had planted, watered and tended with care. 

In a presence like that there can be no anger nor 
resentment, but a sort of soul sickness comes over one, 
and a feeling of pity grips the heart — pity for the dead 
and pity for living. As one looks at the poor demented 
creature sitting there, he realizes how vain, how useless 
it is to try to fathom the mystery of the cause — of the 
motive that led to such a terrible crime. There is an 
open Bible on the table near him, suggesting that his 
dementia is of a religious kind. 

If one can think of a merciful, a pitying, a redeeming 
feature about such a tragedy, it is that no vestige, no 
spark of life remains in any of the bodies lying there — 
all have passed into the perfect peace of death, and one 
feels inclined to the belief that the insane husband and 
father when he put an end to the earthly existence of his 
loved ones, believed he would bring them a peace, he 
thought a perfect peace — a ''peace that passeth all under- 
standing." 

The above tragedy is grewsome and sad enough, but 
is a very small and insignificant afifair when compared to 
the great European war tragedy. The slaughter of one 
family would have to be multiplied many tens of thou- 
sands of times to give one even a faint conception of the 
grewsomeness, the awfulness, the misery and the suffer- 
ing now being inflicted on the people of Europe. Not- 
withstanding the difference in the size of the tragedies, 
there are some points of resemblance. One is the wanton- 
ness, the uselessness of it, the crime of it, the pity of it. 

It is not a war waged for freedom. There are some 
other causes, but the real cause seems to be about the 
same as in the small tragedy — insanity, war-madness. 
Germany has been obsessed with this madness for nearly 
a half century. The successful robbery of her neighbors 
mark the beginning of it. They called it war. The 
Prussian soldiers at that time discovered their invinci- 
bility. They discovered how easy it was to overrun 
France and make her pay all the expenses of the briggan- 
dage, and five billion francs besides. In the present war 

18 



it is very plain that the idea of the Kaiser and his gang of 
looters was to repeat the successful raid of 1871, but 
something happened and they did not reach Paris — the 
goal of their hopes. 

The Kaiser has never been in touch or sympathy with 
the common people. He has looked upon men simply as 
soldiers, and women as the mothers of soldiers. The 
capacity of the men to fight and die for the glory and 
grandeur of the Fatherland, and the greatness and im- 
mortal fame of the Hohenzollerns is all that ever inter- 
ested him. 

His efforts at oratory show bis obsessed and abnormal 
mind. There is something of the ancient, medieval and 
oriental in his vaporings. There is lacking the spirit of 
modern progress and enlightment. He has lived in the 
charnel house of the dead past. His mind has been con- 
stantly on war, en his big guns, his grand army and the 
thousand and one implements and methods of not only 
destroying human life, but of torturing human beings. 
Can such a man's mind be normal, healthy or sane? 

A man who contemplates a war of aggression, espec- 
ially on such a scale as he has had in mind — contemplates 
committing every conceivable crime against his fellow- 
men, a sane mind is incapable of such a thing. But 
for one thing he might have succeeded in his ambi- 
tion to dominate all Europe — England would not agree 
to it. So a campaign of hate was started against the 
English. The ''hymn of hate" was written and all Ger- 
mans sang it with gusto, and are still singing it. This 
hate extends to everything English, including the lan- 
guage, and Americans who speak it. Our ambassador 
was insulted in Berlin because he committed the crime of 
expressing his thoughts in English. 

The war would have come years ago if the Kaiser had 
not been held back by the conservative element, the 
business men and the bankers of Germany. For years 
he has been swaggering around bullyraging all Europe. 
Like the swash-buckling bully that he is, he has without 
cause insulted France many times in the last few years, 
trying to provoke her into attacking Germany, and all 
the while his Literary Angel Bernhardi has been cheer- 
fully informing the French "the worst was to come," that 
''France must be utterly crushed." 

19 



There are two things that real Americans very firmly 
believe in. One is that every bully is at heart a coward. 
The other, that every strong, brave man is tender, when it 
comes to women and children. The Prussian breed of 
men for fifty years and more have loudly proclaimed by 
word and deed that they do not believe in such things. 



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